I would like to thank The Next Front, The Next Front is a se;f-described “front of the revolutionary intellectual–cultural activists” who are “supporters of Marxism–Leninism–Maoism”, “supporters of The Great People’s War” and “are intellectual and cultural activists committed to proletariat class internationalism”. They have been posting in the last few months several very important articles in both Nepali and English. They have most graciously posted an English translation of the political document that was put forward by Comrade Kiran in the recent Party central committee meeting that I have discussed on this blog in the last few weeks. The document lays out the political and theoretical questions that the Party is currently grappling with, and attempts to outline a way forward for the Party (which the author believes would be in the spirit of the most recent Party plenum that was held in November 2010). Any active observer of Nepalese politics will not find any of them new or particularly original.
What is interesting about this document is (besides the fact that despite its use of formal Marxist-Leninist-Maoist language which often can sound stifling and dated, the document remains refreshing due its focus on questions of political situation and strategy for the current period and its deployment of Maoist categories to chart a path forward to revolutionary goals, rather than simply an abstract utopian call for revolution) that it: 1) clearly attacks on the role that Comrade Prachanda has played since December 2010, especially his duplicity; 2) sharply critiques the political line that has been put forward by Comrade Prachanda, especially with a damning charge that Party leadership has ceased to trust the popular classes and has begun to trust the ruling classes instead; 3) warns of eclecticism, reformism, revisionism and liquidationism in the Party which emerges out of a distorted understanding of the current situation in Nepal; and 4) a clear disclosure of the political positions that Comrade Kiran holds on the given debates, something that has not always been clear. Indeed, the document recognizes that a people’s revolt will not be possible by the desired date of May 28th, but argues, in a correct fashion, that even if it does not occur at the appointed hour of one’s choosing it remains incumbent on one to organize for such an eventuality. Something that the leadership of the UCPN(Maoist) has failed to do because of the (seemingly) fallacious argument that there is an international conspiracy is afoot that is trying to discredit the Maoists, which must then require more capitulation to these international forces and their national allies and in fact reflects a deep pessimism which understates the political possibilities that such a situation engenders. Furthermore, Kiran raises an interesting relationship between the current over-arching state of global imperialism and ideological revisionism that seems to be a fertile ground for further study. Finally, an interesting feature of this document is how Comrade Kiran envisions the role of the constitution-writing process: whereas it seems like Comrade Prachanda and Com Baburam Bhattarai see the completion of the constitution-writing process and the subsequent formation of the consensus government as a good in-itself, the Kiran faction sees the constitution-process as a useful tool by which to demonstrate the contradictions between Indian expansion and Nepalese sovereignty etc.
Having said this have although there have been repeated incidences of sporadic violence between different Party factions, especially in the fractured ANTUF(R), there has been little information on further developments in the two-line struggle. Indeed, despite rumours that the Kiran faction was to write a letter of dissent about the recent developments in the Party, whether this occurred or not is something that has not been reported upon. There were calls for a general conference of the Party by the Kiran faction and it is not clear whether such a meeting is going to be called. There was also supposed to be the drafting of a joint document that would incorporate the grievances put forward by Comrade Kiran, and it is not clear whether such a document is forthcoming. Indeed, the latest news from Nepal is the possibility of the current government collapsing because of a collapse of support for PM Khanal by the anti-Maoist/pro-NC faction of the CPN(UML) [PM Khanal has been accused by his own party of being pro-Maoist), and a seemingly premature attempt to form a national unity government (Com. Kiran has been reported in the press as being opposed the formation of such a government and has advocated on behalf of continuity with the current government).
This proposal was presented by senior vice-chairman Comrade Mohan Baidhya Kiran in the party’s central committee held in April 2011. Kiran presented the document to register his dissenting views in the party after chairman ‘Prachanda’ proposed a new proposal with focus on ‘peace and constitution’ deviating from the political line of ‘popular insurrection’ adopted by party’s sixth extended meeting or plenum held in November 2010 in Palungtar of Gorkha district. We have already posted it’s Nepalese version. Now we have English version. Thanks to Comrade Lamsal, who made it available. [ed. The Next Front]
‘The immediate political proposal’ presented by comrade chairman in the politburo meeting held on April 20, 2011 and also in the present central committee meeting is against the fundamental spirit of the political line adopted by the central committee meeting held soon after the Palungtar extended meeting. Expressing my dissenting opinion on chairman’s proposal, I, therefore, would like to present a separate political proposal in this committee.
1. Two main problems at present
The country is now in a grave political crisis. We have now two main problems: They are: problems related to class struggle or national struggle and problem related to two-line struggle in the party. The problem concerning national struggle is related to the problem in correctly identifying the class enemy and the problem in effectively advancing the struggle against it. Now the reactionaries, on the one hand, are conspiring to convert our party- Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)- into a reformist and status-quoist party by pushing it to the grand parliamentary quagmire and should this plan fail, they are plotting to resort to suppression against our party, one the other. We must understand this truth properly. In the same way, the two-line struggle in the party is getting complicated and this is also the expression of class struggle. We also must be serious on the issue of properly understanding the two-line struggle and advancing it in a comradely manner. Now families of martyrs, families of disappeared warriors, and injured and disabled warriors are expecting from our parties to realize their aspirations and dreams of liberation. The entire Nepali people including workers, peasants, women, dalits ( oppressed), janajaties (nationalities) Muslims and all backward people and classes as well as the international proletarian class, too, are watching at our party as a centre of hope for their bright future. We must pay our attention to all these factors.
A true communist party and its leaders must seek scientific solution to these problems. Otherwise, the validity and justification of such leadership would automatically come to an end. We must be very serious on this issue.
2. On Chairman’s proposal
The political proposal presented by comrade chairman is against the fundamental spirit of the political line and policies based on the political proposal adopted by the central committee which was a continuation of the sixth extended meeting of the central committee held in Palungtar. In this connection, it is necessary to give due attention to the following matters:
In the first place, comrade Chairman’s proposal has rejected the political line adopted by the central committee convened as per the directives of the Palungtar plenum. The earlier political line of the party was rejected in the name of ‘clarifying confusions in the political line and modifying the plans of actions in view of the new developments and changed context”. On the one hand, comrade Chairman, in his proposal, has avoided the issue concerning the review of the situation emerged after the Palungtar plenum and he has also reincorporated his own views in it. Herein has been used sophism against dialectic materialism.
Secondly, in the document on political line that was adopted after the thorough analysis of national and international situation by the central committee in accordance with the mandate of the Palungtar plenum, it was stated: “The party has adopted the establishment of people’s federal republic as the immediate tactics. It has adopted a clear-cut policy of consolidating mass insurrection for the establishment of people’s federal republic or people’s republic through struggles from three fronts-constitution, peace and government-with priority to street struggle on the basis of four preparations and four bases. The party has also made it clear that it has to move ahead by consolidating the movement taking up issues of national independence, people’s supremacy and other burning issues directly related to the people including their livelihood. Now it is urgent for the party to act in practice by formulating concrete action plans on the basis of this political line”.
But the political proposal presented now has stated, “As a part of four preparations and four bases, it is necessary to take ahead the process of army integration and rehabilitation and prepare a unified draft of the constitution and take it to the people for debate, despite differences on some key issues including the ones related to state restructuring, governance structure and electoral system”. It is clear that the proposed proposal does not match with the spirit of earlier report adopted by the central committee as directed by the Palungtar plenum. This proposal has rejected the political line adopted by the central committee held after the Palungtar plenum.
Thirdly, citing the intensification of conspiracy of imperialists, expansionists and reactionaries to break the peace process, dissolve the Constituent Assembly, impose tyranny on the people and seize the achievements of the ‘ People’s War” and popular movement, the chairman’s political proposal has stated the necessity to immediately integrate the army and prepare a unified draft of the constitution to foil the conspiracy. This logic is based on pessimistic and capitulationist thinking that considers reactionaries stronger than their real strength and sees only the negative aspects of the situation. This is monolithic thinking which is against the materialistic dialecticism that believes in the thinking that the political line and tactics should be adopted on the basis of concrete analysis of concrete situation.
Fourthly, this document does not contain the correct and scientific answer of the question as to why the revolutionary political line could not be implemented. In the report, the role of the main leadership for its failure to concrete on four preparations and four bases that was required for the mass insurrection has been described as the secondary one while ‘ rising factionalism, anarchy, confusion and suspicions in the party and antagonistic and separatist activities, which are in fact, secondary factors, have been cited as the primary reasons.
Fifthly, comrade chairman, in various parts of his report, has, as usual, raised three lines or trends in the party. But there are only two trends in the party at present. The parliamentarism and inertia are not two separate trends but fundamentally one.
3. Some Ideological Questions
It is necessary in the present juncture to pay due attention to some ideological questions in order to develop the communist party into a new kind of communist party and to effectively advance the tasks of revolution. These ideological questions are as follows:
Firstly, it is the question relating to dissecting one into two and integrating the two into one. This is the question that is related to intense struggle between dialectics and eclecticism in the ideological front and between class struggle and class coordination in the political arena. The principle of dissecting one into two is based on dialectical materialism and integrating two into one is based on eclecticism and class coordination. In this crucial juncture, we must firmly stand in favour of dialectical materialism and class struggle and against eclecticism and class coordination.
The second issue is related to the relationship between imperialism and revisionism. Engels had said that capitalist party or the party of elite workers was being developed in the first monopolized country England. After that Lenin had also especially mentioned that capitalism had taken the form of imperialism which has resulted in the development of revisionist parties of the elite workers in different countries and its consequently resulted in split and fragmentation in the communist movement. Now imperialism, which is the highly developed form of capitalism, has projected itself in a new form and cover. Against this background, the alliance between imperialism and revisionism is also being developed into a new form and colour. Factionalism, division and opportunism in any revolutionary communist party are the expression of this alliance. True revolutionary communists must be alert against the alliance between imperialism and revisionism.
Thirdly, it is related to the question that seeks to turn the tactics of Constituent Assembly into the strategy. In the process of capitalist democratic revolution, proletarian class can present the tactics of Constituent Assembly and this can be viewed as a correct tactics as well. But we have to be alert to ensure that such tactics would not be allowed to turn into the strategy. This is so because reactionaries can utilize the Constituent Assembly for their own interests. If the constituent assembly slipped out of the control of proletarian class, it shall have no meaning and validity. In such a situation, people’s constitution cannot be made from the constituent assembly.
Fourth question is related to the tendency of opposing revolutionary Marxism and advocating revisionism in the name of creativity, originality and newness. The history of international communist movement as well as Nepali communist movement has proved that all kinds of rightist and revisionists have been unleashing onslaught against revolutionary Marxism and Marxists in the name of creativity, originality and newness. The revisionists describe revolutionary Marxism as old Marxism, dogmatism and conservative Marxism and in the same way they describe revolutionary Marxists as traditionalists, conservatives and dogmatists. Right from Bernstein, all rightists, revisionists, so-called neo-communists and all post-modernists have been doing exactly the same. Many revolutionaries also get scared from this reactionary onslaught and it is necessary to be clear on this matter as well.
Fifthly, this is the issue relating to the understanding of liquidationism. The characteristics of the liquidationism is to abandon revolutionary ideology and communist party that is guided by revolutionary ideology and revolutionary political line and struggle and also to give emphasis on legitimate and legal actions in all fronts. It is also necessary to become alert to ensure that we are not going to be degenerated into liquidationism.
4. Brief Review of situation after Palungtar meeting
The two-line struggle had reached a climax in the extended meeting of the central committee held in Palungtar of Gorkha district. Finally, the meeting reached a conclusion with the mandate of transformation, unity and mass insurrection. In the central committee meeting held after the Palungtar plenum, a political document had been adopted by integrating positive aspects of the reports of comrade Prachanda and comrade Kiran on the one hand and decision had been taken to discuss the rest of the issues in appropriate forums and settle them in the next national congress or assembly. With the conclusion that it was necessary to establish people’s federal republic and protect national independence and that the principal contradiction of the people of Nepal was with domestic reactionaries and Indian expansionism, the meeting had decided to make four preparations and four bases for the mass insurrection. Similarly, a five-point formula had been adopted on the issues concerning two-line struggle. This kind of decision had rekindled a new hope and enthusiasm in the entire rank and file of the party and among the people. But concrete progress could not be made in the process of translating the political line into action.
Despite many complications, orientation (schooling) programmes both at the central and local level were held in different regions after the meeting. But situation was not favourable to move ahead with concrete plans. The implementation of the party’s political line was obstructed not only by those who had disagreement in it but also from a large section of those who had agreed on it. In addition to this, the main leadership exhibited duel character of acceptance of the political line in words and objection to it in action. Efforts were also made to create rift and create enmity among those who had agreement on the political line from top to bottom. Party chairman demonstrated some example of duel characters by advocating mass insurrection with one section of the people and openly opposing with the others. He, one the one hand, said that constitution writing was impossible and he, at the same time, said the constitution would be written by midnight of May 28. Similarly, he said with one section of the people that the formation of people’s volunteers was a must and said with other people that this idea was bad. Not only this, he, on the one hand, signed a seven-point agreement and helped form the government, while he tried to pull down the government by entering into 12-point agreement. These are some of the duel characters and double standards of party chairman. It has proved that there has not yet been revolutionary transformation in the main leadership of the party. The main leadership is, therefore, responsible for the failure of implementing the political line of the party.
Analyzing the entire situation right from the Palungtar plenum, the following conclusion can be made regarding the main leadership.
1. From class perspectives, the main leadership has ceased to trust the lower class but has started trusting the upper class or reactionary class and the trend of class uplifting has been strong in the leadership.
2. Ideologically, it is oriented to eclecticism and anarchic evolution.
3. Politically, it is moving from centrism to reformism and national capitulation. Special efforts are, therefore, necessary to take the ideological struggle to a newer height and reverse this trend.
Finally, what must be mentioned here is that comrade chairman has raised a question why the rule concerning the two-line struggle was not implemented. This is a serious matter. When ideological and political line is separated from the rule and principle of democratic centralism, this gives rise to a grave situation. This issue requires massive and intensive discussion.
5. Present political situation
Now , the process of imperialist globalization has been deepening in an swifter manner, on the one hand, while the competition among the imperialist powers has also slowly intensifying. The contradiction between imperialism and oppressed countries is the principal contradiction in the present day world. In addition to that, Asia, Africa and Latin America are the turbulent center of revolution and the revolution is the principal trend of the world at present.
At this juncture, the principal contradiction of the Nepalese people is with the domestic reactionaries under the leadership of comprador capitalism and Indian expansionism. The process of ingratiation and neo-colonialism has intensified in Nepal. Now there has not only been serious conspiracy against the process and objective of constitution writing through the Constituent Assembly but at the sometime our national independence is also under threat. In this situation, it is necessary to turn the existing political crisis into the revolutionary crisis, for which we must be serious.
At this crucial time, it is necessary to analyze the political situation mentioned in the political report presented by comrade chairman and discuss the conclusion made on the basis of this analysis. In this proposal, it has been stated that the possibility of implementing the plan of utilizing the political crisis to turn it into revolutionary crisis by May 28 is getting impossible. In the report it has been pointed out the possibility of constitutional vacuum after May 28 and it has raised the possibility of presidential rule or some kind of coup to be staged by the president. In view of this situation, the report of the chairman has made a conclusion on the necessity of army integration and preparation of the draft constitution. We need to be clear that the report of the chairman has neither objectively analyzed the situation nor has it made correct conclusion. In fact, it is a capitulationist conclusion made on the basis of monolithic analysis of the situation. As a matter of fact, there would not be any constitutional crisis even if the constitution was not promulgated by May 28. It is so because the Interim Constitution has the provision that states that the Constituent Assembly would continue to exist until the new constitution is promulgated. If anyone tries to stage a coup violating the constitutional provision, there would be a possibility of stormy people’s revolution, which may create the situation that would pave the way for turning the political crisis into the revolutionary crisis. The revolutionary forces need to give especial attention to utilizing this situation for mass insurrection. But comrade chairman’s attention has never been directed towards this possibility.
In the same way, some responsible people, one the one hand, are deliberately blocking the process of constitution writing and they are, at the same time, spreading the rumour to confuse the people and convince them that constitution writing process has been obstructed by the Maoists, on the other.
In addition to this, some planned criminal activities like explosions, hooting the inmate inside prison, fatal assault on Energy Minister and shooting the staff of diplomatic mission of certain country have been carried out. These incidents are seriously linked with the issue of nationalism. Now the constitution writing is related not only with democracy but also with the issue of national independence.
In such a situation, the fury in the mind of Nepalese people against domestic and international reactionaries is deepening. People want to conclude the peace process in a revolutionary way, write the constitution through the Constituent Assembly and solve the problems related to people’s livelihood, for which they have established and accepted the UCPN-Maoist as the dependable and trustworthy party. If the constitution is not written and intensification of danger on national independence grows, it is certain that people’s fury would further intensify.
In overall sense, the objective situation for revolution and mass insurrection is still favourable. But subjective situation is weak and unfavorable, to some extent. Despite this, if we advance our tasks of unifying the party and the task related to four preparations and four bases, we cannot rule out the possibility of transforming the political crisis into revolutionary crisis and give the mass insurrection a practical shape within the predetermined time. Hence, we, correctly assessing the revolutionary objective situation, need to pay special attention to the preparation of subjective situation.
6. Immediate Political Line, Policy and Action Plan
The principal political line of the revolution to be completed in a country like Nepal which is in semi-feudal and semi colonial state is and should be based on the grand objective of advancing to socialism and communism through the completion of new people’s democratic revolution. The new people’s democratic revolution to be completed in Nepal is based on the strategy of unifying patriotic, democratic and communist forces and also the general mass under the leadership of proletarian class against feudalism and imperialism. To complete this type of revolution in the present unique national and international context, establishment of people’s federal republic, protection of national independence and resolution of fundamental problems related to the livelihood of the people are the subjects of principal political tactics of our party. This type of principal strategic tactics is closely related with peace, constitution and mass insurrection as their integral part.
The repression, counter revolution and the conspiracy of the reactionary forces to impose tyranny on the people cannot be resisted through capitulationist style like integrating armies and writing the status-quoist constitution. This can be done only by intervening from the government, mobilizing the people e on the streets and effectively advancing the exposure campaign and also by giving practical shape to the tasks concerning the four preparations and four bases.
Mass insurrection is not something that can be accomplished within the predetermined time. Instead it is based on the synthesis of objective and subjective situation. The logic that says the mass insurrection is not possible within the predetermined time is in no way meant for army integration in a capitulationist manner and promulgation of the status quoist constitution. The mass insurrection is possible in any circumstance and especial emphasis should be given for its preparation.
In this context, we need to move ahead in the following ways:
A. On Constitution
· ‘People’s Federal Republic’ to be mentioned in the preamble of the constitution.
· The report of the committee concerning state restructuring to be made its basis.
· On the question of governance structure, the largest number of votes in the sub-committee to be made its basis.
· Basic priority to be given to workers, peasants, women, oppressed, nationalities and the people belonging to backward areas including Mashes.
· Constitution with the essence of anti-feudalism and anti-imperialism to be formulated
· The party should draft a brief constitution based on these subjects and take it to the people
B. On Army Integration
· Not to accept regrouping without deciding the modality
· Security related policy to be formulated prior to the army integration
· People’s Liberation Army to be integrated as a separate or mixed force and its command to remain with the People’s Liberation Army
· People’s Liberation Army to be given the responsibility of border security force
C. On relation between the constitution and army integration
· People’s Liberation Army to be established as the principal force for change in Nepal
· Formulation of people’s constitution and army integration to be completed simultaneously
D. On government
· The present government to be given continuity
· Representatives to be sent to the cabinet on proportionate and inclusive basis
E. On Organizational task
· Freeing the party from all kinds of wrong thoughts and trends like groupism and splitist trend, struggle to be launched to build a new type of communist party
· In the local level, party, youth force, fronts and committees to be effectively organized
· Mobilization of people, service to the people and the disclosure campaign to be made systematic and to be organized more effectively.
· Considering the present national necessity, a united front of patriotic, democratic and communist forces to be created also in the central level.
· The task concerning division of responsibility to be made more organized
F. On mobilization of people, service to the people and exposure campaign
The fundamental issues of this campaign are as follows:
· Peace and constitution
·Defence of national independence and sovereignty, annulment of unequal treaties and agreements including 1950 Treaty, resistance against external interference including border encroachment.
· Campaign against killing, hooliganism and insecurity
· Rs. 1 million to be given to the family of the martyrs, disappeared warriors to be made public, appropriate relief to be given to injured and disabled fighters.
· Campaign to control price hike and corruption
· All old and new cases against the Maoists to be withdrawn
April 22, 2011